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- The Rise of Cohabitation in Latin America and the Caribbean, – | SpringerLink
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In Nicaragua the increment among the middle education groups is already much more pronounced, but this rise occurred essentially between and , and not so much thereafter. The other two countries in this group with a long cohabitation tradition, i. This is remarkable given the high levels to start with.
However, even more striking is the very substantial catching up in all the other education categories. University educated women 25—29 in both Panama and the Dominican Republic now have an equal 50—50 share of cohabitation and marriage, whereas the middle categories have reached percentages between 70 and 90, i. Percentages of women 25—29 with completed primary and completed secondary education by country and census round. Considering these major improvements in educational levels described in Table 2. Of course, just the opposite has happened, and quite dramatically so. In other words, the effect of a changing educational composition of the population did not at all work out in the expected direction.
Hence, all the changes in cohabitation in Latin America are due to individual changes, and not at all due to the educational composition change. Now that an explanation based on such a composition shift can be discarded completely, we need to explore other avenues to account for the spectacular rises in cohabitation in all these countries, regions and social strata.
Note, however, that the RWA-conditions must be met jointly before a transition to a new form will take place. It suffices for one condition not being met or lagging for the whole process of change coming to a halt. In the instance of cohabitation, a number of economic advantages are easily identified. This implies, more specifically, i that considerable costs are saved by avoiding more elaborate marriage ceremonies, ii that parents and relatives or friends are presented with the outcome of individual partner choice as a fait accompli , and iii that the exit costs from cohabitation, both financial and psychological, are considerably lower than in the case of a legal divorce.
In other words, cohabitation is the quicker and cheaper road to both sexual partnership and economies of scale. And in many instances, such shorter term advantages may indeed weigh up against the main advantage of marriage, being a firmer longer term commitment. In addition to these general economic advantages, the rise in cohabitation can also be a response to the economic downturns of the s and the slow recovery of the s.
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Potential couples in these instances could postpone entry into a union of any type. Alternatively they could opt for the easier and cheaper version, and therefore choose cohabitation. Furthermore, the transition from cohabitation to marriage could be delayed and even forgone as a result of unfavorable economic circumstances. The latter two instances would lead to a rise in the share of cohabitation among all persons in a union.
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Within the RWA framework, a basic change in the readiness condition, as described above, would not be sufficient. Concomitant changes in the other two conditions are equally necessary. In the Latin American context, we would therefore expect to identify major cultural changes as well, particularly related to ethics and morality, thereby lifting the stigma on certain forms of behavior, including cohabitation.
Most likely, such changes are accompanied by further secularization and by changes in attitudes toward gender relations. We address the readiness and willingness conditions in the next two sections. Discussion of the ability condition, which would require a detailed study of legal provisions and changes affecting the status of consensual unions, is beyond the scope of this chapter.
Suffice it to say that national differences in trends related to cohabitation can also be the result of differences or shifts in such legal and institutional factors cf. Vassallo Latin America has been characterized by both widespread social and economic inequalities and turbulent macroeconomic performance. In such instances the benefits of economic development realized before were often lost. The timing, duration and severity of the periods of hyperinflation varied considerably from country to country.
The Rise of Cohabitation in Latin America and the Caribbean, – | SpringerLink
Roughly speaking, we can identify two patterns. The second pattern is a short period of inflation of such high intensity that money became worthless overnight. Obviously, the effect of such inflation spikes is felt for many years, and in the Latin American case, well into the s. Examples of long duration inflation are Chile already starting during the Allende presidency and Colombia Singh et al. Such figures provide ample reason to advance the thesis that economic conditions could have been primary causes of the rise of the share of cohabitation in Latin America. We mention three caveats regarding this explanation, however.
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As argued by Fussell and Palloni ages at first union remained remarkably stable throughout the second half of the twenthieth century and show a surprisingly low elasticity to such economic disturbances. In their opinion, the nuptiality system would provide a buffer against economic hardship, for both elites and the bulk of the population.
But their research focuses on the stable ages at first union, not on the shift from marriage to cohabitation. Our second caveat concerns the timing of both features, inflation and the rise of cohabitation. In two of the countries considered here, Brazil and Colombia, the largest increase in percentages cohabiting occurred during the s, well before the shocks of the s.
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During that decade, these percentages cohabiting continued to grow, but in two different inflation regimes. The two countries with the largest increments in cohabitation in the s are Argentina and Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico, by contrast, experienced nothing comparable to Argentinean inflation levels, yet still recorded a noticeable rise in cohabitation before The Chilean example is also worth noting.
Yet, Chile does not have the steepest rise in cohabitation by the year Similarly, also Mexico had its take off phase of cohabitation during the s, and not a decade earlier when it had its high inflation regime. The conclusion from these comparisons is the absence of a clear correlation between the timing and rise in cohabitation on the one hand, and the timing of inflation peaks or the overall rate of inflation on the other.
Admittedly, a more precise time-series analysis is not possible since annual cohabitation rates, unlike marriage rates, cannot be computed. The entry into a consensual union is by definition an unrecorded event. The most one can say is that inflation and hyperinflation may have been general catalysts that strengthened the trend in the shift from marriage to cohabitation, but other causes must have been present as well. Our third caveat points even more strongly in that direction. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, inflation rates in Latin American countries have fallen to much lower levels than during the — era, and yet, the upward trend in cohabitation has not abated.
In fact, as the results for the census round indicate, the opposite holds to a striking degree in Uruguay, Argentina, Ecuador, Costa Rica and Mexico where a high rate of increase in cohabitation has been maintained Table 2. Even Panama, which had the highest incidence of cohabitation throughout the entire study period, witnessed a further increase in cohabitation during the first decade of the new Century. Hence, it is now very clear from the census round that the rise in cohabitation is a fundamental systemic alteration and not merely a reaction to economic shocks.
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As the RWA-framework posits, the switch to larger shares of cohabitation in all strata of the population would not have occurred had a major stigma against cohabitation persisted. Responses to the World Values Surveys indeed suggest the occurrence of a major change in crucial features of the ideational domain.
We now turn to that evidence. The European EVS and World Values Studies WVS have a long tradition often going back to the s to measure major ethical, religious, social and political dimensions of the cultural system.
Most Latin American countries have only one wave of the WVS, and a single cross-section is of course inadequate for our purposes. Argentina and Brazil had WVS waves in and , and Chile in and , with a subset of questions being repeated across the two surveys. Several of these questions are of particular relevance for our purposes since they shed light on the changes occurring in the various age groups in values pertaining to ethics, secularization and gender relations. Attitudinal changes in ethical issues in three Latin American countries, by age and sex, — By far the largest change noted in all three countries is the increase in tolerance toward homosexuality.
In addition, a similar landslide can also be noted with respect to euthanasia. It equally occurs in the three countries, among both sexes and in all age groups. The change is again most pronounced in Chile. The reductions in percentages rejecting suicide and divorce are more modest compared to the massive change in the previous two items, but still very substantial and found in all age groups. And, as noted above, only the attitudes toward abortion show a mixed picture, with greater tolerance emerging in Chile, but not in Brazil and Argentina. The latter exception notwithstanding, the data in Table 2.
Attitudinal changes regarding religion and secularization in three Latin American countries, by age and sex, The Brazilian outcome differs substantially from the previous two countries: the landslide toward greater ethical tolerance is not matched by advancing secularization. Compared to the WVS-round, the one indicates falling percentages of persons never or very rarely attending church and falling percentages of persons doubting the role of the church. In fact, there is a clear rise in the proportions thinking that the church has a role to play in family matters.
Only the percentages without moments of prayer and meditation have not changed in any significant direction. Overall, the Brazilian lack of secularization is not in line with international trends. Attitudinal changes in issues regarding family and gender in three Latin American countries, by age and sex, The Argentinean results again follow the Chilean pattern, but with more moderation.
The increase in the percentages considering marriage an outdated institution is just as large, but the Argentinean public is still more convinced that a child needs both a father and mother.
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There are also mixed signals regarding gender equality: there is the expected increase in persons who disagree with the role of housewife being just as fulfilling, but there is no convincing decline in the opinion that men should have priority when jobs are scarce. The Brazilian results with respect to the two family items are equally mixed, but different: there is no increase in the percentages considering marriage as an outdated institution, and even a drop among female respondents, but there is a systematic reduction in percentages considering that a child needs a complete parental family.
The trend with respect to the gender items is more consistent: there is a rise in percentages disagreeing with the fulfilling nature of being a housewife and a clear drop in those giving men priority if jobs are scarce.
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The ethical dimension has indeed undergone very large shifts during the period under consideration. Obviously other changes that remain undocumented here could have equally contributed in creating more favorable R and A conditions for the Latin American cohabitation boom, but at least it is becoming clear that a cultural shift component is again a necessary but probably not a sufficient ingredient of a more complete explanation. Not only has there been a rise in unmarried cohabitation, but also in the proportion of single mothers e.
In what follows we shall present the most important trends for the period up to , since the reworking of the IPUMS individual pointers in the household composition files Sobek and Kennedy into a new typology see Esteve et al. But results can be presented for 13 Latin American countries. Also, we shall refrain here from giving further technical details, as these can be found in Esteve et al.