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Hidden Deluxe Room More information. Double type 6 seaview More information. Double type 5 Seaview More information. Double South Side More information. Family Room More information. Single More information. Courtyard Double or Twin Room More information. Seaview Double or Twin Room More information. Double room Suite Deluxe - Casino view. Comfort More information. Superior More information. Long Island Suite. Ralph Lauren Suite. Ralph Lauren Room. Family Loft. In , the two clusters are already clearly visible, with just some 5 B-cluster regions having PTFRs of 1.
In , the two clusters become even more distinct with only 3 B-cluster regions with PTFR levels above 1. More importantly, both clusters move to the right, indicating improvements in the HDI. By , the B-cluster scores noticeably higher on the HDI, but remains totally distinct from the regions of cluster A. In other words , despite markedly improving HDI values in cluster B , there is no convergence whatsoever to fertility levels of cluster A. This can only be done for entire countries for lack of more detailed regional indicators.
We use 8 indicators, i. Footnote 16 In Table 1 we report the correlation coefficient between the PTFRs and the eight indicators, first for both clusters of countries together, and then for each cluster separately.
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Typical for the feature of split correlation is that these relationships vanish when measured within clusters. There are only two exceptions in cluster A and none in cluster B. The negative correlation with the SDT indicator in cluster A refers to the period — when France and Ireland had higher fertility than the 4 Nordic countries. The overall positive correlation between the PTFR and the Sobotka SDT index is explained by the fact that the cluster A countries had higher values on both variables than most countries in the B cluster.
These findings for the first decade of the twenty-first century point to the possible relevance of gender equality for further exploration. But can this sole factor account for rising fertility? One of the remarkable observations since the formulation of the SDT in is that the relationship between fertility and female employment rates reversed: initially, the relationship was negative, and now it is positive among European countries.
However, the fertility postponement did not start in the industrialised countries at the same time. Those with higher female labour force participation and high SDT scores lead the postponement movement. Source: Courtesy of Tomas Sobotka. The Nordic postponement leaders were the first with PTFR values to drop below replacement level, immediately followed by the rest of North-Western Europe. All this happened in the period — In Southern Europe, fertility postponement came later, and PTFRs dropped below replacement level only in the late s. The strong negative correlation between period fertility and female labour force participation , as observed in the period — , is a direct result of the timing differences in the onset of postponement.
Early postponers had the highest female labour force participation and the higher SDT scores, as theoretically expected. Countries with low female labour force participation were later postponers and had the higher fertility, hence the negative relationship between the PTFRs and female labour force participation.
But this masked the underlying positive relationship between both higher female labour force participation and cultural dimensions of the SDT at one hand and the earlier onset of fertility postponement at the other. This caused the reversal of the relationship between period fertility and female labour force participation.
Clearly, not only fertility postponement but also very differential recuperation at older ages played a role and aggravated the split between the A and B clusters. This is depicted in Fig. The oblique iso-lines give the total fertility per women from ages 20 to 39, and this approximates the cohort experience. Except for the very strong postponement in Italy and Spain, and to a lesser degree also in Greece and Switzerland, cluster A and cluster B countries had similar distributions of fertility levels in the 20—29 age group in Why did this duality between the A and B clusters develop?
Was it because the A cluster of countries solely scored better on gender equality, or were there other factors at work, for instance dealing with policies reducing female opportunity cost of labour force participation, subsidising child-rearing expenditures or diminishing the work-family time stress via early and universal child care and schooling? Footnote 20 That stress can also be alleviated through more generalised part-time labour force participation, as in the Netherlands, the UK and Australia McDonald, Or where macro-economic forces at work such as uncertainty caused by a globalising economy Footnote 21 and by weaker employment positions of young adults?
Or were economic crises responsible for falls in period fertility levels at the younger ages? In what will follow , we will argue that the gender revolution could be a necessary , but by no means a sufficient ingredient for maintaining a stable PTFR level above 1. In fact , men doing more housework is only one , albeit a major component of a broader package of factors diminishing the work - family stress. The crucial variable for these authors is then the advancing from an incomplete to a complete gender revolution.
Secondly, they argue that this second phase of the gender revolution would strengthen the family, and that therefore other reversals are taking place, such as diminishing divorce. Footnote 22 The SDT as originally described would be a good characterisation of the earlier phase, but its prediction of sustained below replacement fertility would be falsified when the second phase of the gender revolution comes into play. This was forcefully predicted by G.
At that conference, the author contended that a U-shaped curve was in the making, with the right upward arm representing rising fertility directly as a result of advancing gender equality.
Obviously, the Scandinavian countries are in the lead with respect to the transition from the first to the second stage of the gender revolution. More specifically, the ratios of female over male hours of domestic work for European Union member states around were already below 2 in Sweden 1. In other words, fertility differences in cluster A countries cannot be accounted for by differences in male involvement in domestic work. Also, there is a PTFR rise during the first decade of the new century. Footnote 25 But, as shown in Table 2 , that rise is evident in all countries of cluster A , i.
Also, the presumed U-shaped pattern is based on cross-sections, and not on an evolution over time. During the second decade of this century, however, there is a substantial fall in the fertility levels affecting all cluster A countries. Initially this was attributed to the economic recession, but the decline manifested itself all the way through the decade.
Finish fertility dropped below 1.
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The UK, Denmark and Belgium managed to remain above 1. Evidently, the optimistic view based on any advancing gender revolution got thwarted during the last decade: the Nordic countries were not more robust than others despite their more advanced position on the gender revolution scale. These findings cast doubt on the Goldscheider et al. This is also echoed by Hellstrand et al.